Since becoming the capital of the Habsburg empire in the 13th century, Vienna has not only grown into the political, economic, and cultural center of the European continent but also one of the world’s most prosperous cities.

Austria had, once again, established its status as a great power after the Napoleonic Wars, and it was known, along with Russia, as Europe’s policeman. After the foundation of the Holy Alliance of 1815, Austria became the representative of the forces of restoration, a leader against capitalism and liberalism, and a major military force in Europe. However, behind the splendor, Austria was experiencing rapid decline. Its hegemony in Europe ended when the revolution broke out in 1848.

As a heavy-hearted Franz walked down a busy street, a line of Du Fu’s verse came to mind: “The portals of the rich reek of flesh and wine while frozen bodies lie by the roadside.”

From time to time, people in ragged clothes hurried by, shivering due to the cold in the bustling streets of Vienna. Occasionally, he even saw police officers hurrying to drive beggars away or even taking them away by force.

If this was the view in the most bustling downtown street of Vienna, he couldn’t imagine what kind of sight it would be if he went to the slums.

“The Little Match Girl” was not a fairy tale but reality, for, along the way, Franz saw too many children selling cigarettes, newspapers, matches… Franz didn’t bother to blame the evils of capitalism. For most children during the 19th century, a job like that to feed themselves was a wild wish and a luxury.

Over the course of a month, Franz traveled through all the main districts of Vienna and saw what the empire, nearing its end, was truly like. Perhaps what the people would really need in the Vienna Revolution, one year later, would be bread to feed themselves and clothing to keep them warm, rather than abstract concepts such as constitutionalism or freedom.

When the public conversation became dominated by the bourgeoisie, the so-called revolution became their tool in the power struggle. Consequently, ordinary people became victims of their ambitions.

Franz recalled an article about Polish nationalists trying to persuade farmers in a village in Galicia to rise up against the Austrians. The revolutionists claimed that the farmers would live happily ever after, so long as Austrians were expelled.

But the peasants answered: ‘No, dear sir, things would not develop as you say they would. You would just drive the most benevolent ruler, the Hapsburg Emperor, away from this land and bring our nation to its end.’

‘My grandfather once told me that when the Polish Federation was still in existence, the lords were allowed to beat the peasants any way they liked, and the peasants had nowhere to go for help.’

‘After you drive the emperor out of this land, every one of you will want to get a taste of power and turn us into slaves again!’

...

Franz knew from history that, when the Vienna uprising failed, the bourgeoisie who claimed to be patriots suffered massive damage and the standard of living of the common subjects increased significantly as the bourgeoisie’s wealth was distributed amongst the people.

It was hard not to say that such an outcome created a sense of irony: the ones who kept on shouting all day to knock down the exploitative class were actually a group of exploitative capitalists, while the emperor, who was the object of the revolution launched by them, took up what was actually revolutionary work.

When these thoughts came into his mind, Franz realized he already knew what to do next. Uniting the majority to fight against the minority was always the right move in politics.

In Franz’s view, any constitutional reform before the country achieved its universal compulsory education was just nonsense, and any reform beyond the people’s capacity to accept would only cause harm.

“Rolf, prepare for a visit to the Chancellor’s mansion!” Franz ordered his attendant Rolf Lechner.

An incarnation who wouldn’t stir things up, a man who wasn’t actually a reincarnation — this had been Franz’s motto. Now, he changed his mind: it was time to go to stir things up.

***

An hour later, Franz arrived at the Chancellor’s mansion. He didn’t have an appointment, however, so he had to wait for Chancellor Metternich to return.

This was reasonable to Franz: a Chancellor was always busy, especially a powerful one like Prince Metternich.

This was another difference between Europe and the East: even a powerful authority like Metternich had limited power, and to be dominant in the politics of Austria, he had to rely on the support of the emperor.

“Your Imperial Highness, please have a seat. We have sent someone to inform His Excellency Lord Chancellor of your arrival,” informed the housekeeper.

His implication was quite obvious: He had sent someone to inform the Chancellor, but as for when the Chancellor would return, well, that was hard to tell and out of his control, and since he had done his job properly, if there were any problems between the Imperial Crown Prince and the Chancellor, they certainly would not involve him.

Franz smiled without saying a word, as it wasn’t his habit to show his temper in front of irrelevant people. The relationship between the original Franz Joseph and Chancellor Metternich had been close, and he had maintained that relationship even after his reincarnation.

In Franz’s opinion, it was a classic tradition to scapegoat powerful ministers; the Austrian Empire would need someone to take the blame for its reform, and the best choice would be Chancellor Metternich, who was already notorious.

Presumably, the Chancellor wouldn't mind taking more blame than he already had for Austria.

By the evening, Chancellor Metternich returned hurriedly. Franz was not annoyed about that: he had eaten and drunk whatever he wanted, for no one dared disrespect his position.

“Sorry to keep you waiting! Little Franzi, what can I do for you today?” Chancellor Metternich asked kindly.

As always, Franz was a junior in his eyes, for Prince Metternich was an old minister. He had been Chancellor since the reign of Franz’s grandfather.

“Your Excellency, when you speak to me, could you leave out “Little”? I am 16 years old already!”

Franz expressed his dissatisfaction before he answered Chancellor Metternich’s question.

“Well then, your Imperial Highness, how can I help you today?” Chancellor Metternich asked with a smile, having properly used Franz's title this time.

“Your Excellency, I've come here today for reform!” Franz replied, getting straight to the point.

“Reform? Franz, since when did you start to concern yourself with this? Or did someone say something to you?” Chancellor Metternich asked, surprised.

“No one said anything, but I have been exploring Vienna for more than a month. I have some questions in my mind, and I want to ask for your advice,” Franz answered.

“Oh, I am all ears,” Chancellor Metternich replied, showing mock interest.

“Your Excellency, the public voice for constitutional reform is very loud at the moment, but the workers I met don’t care about rights or suffrage. They are busy doing everything they can just to earn three square meals a day.

I dare ask, is dignity more important than survival?” Franz asked, already knowing the answer.

“No, Franz! They are trying their best to survive. Missing even a day of work could mean starvation for them. Nothing else matters in the face of survival!” asserted Chancellor Metternich, resolute and decisive.

“Well, in that case, why don’t we make our reforms weighted towards them? At least allow them to have enough bread even if not anything else!” Franz appealed innocently.

“Franz, it is more complicated than that: it’s not possible for capitalists to improve the treatment of workers!” Chancellor Metternich shook his head as he answered.

“Yes, and isn’t that terrible!” Franz replied with an affected sigh.